The Posh Boys and the Pensioners
May 13th, 2010When 28 people sit around a table to make decisions, only a few of them manage to say something effective before the decision is taken. This I know from lots of rather good academic research on what happens when human beings join in such meetings. And from my own personal experience, starting 59 years ago when I first engaged in university politics. So I can confidently predict that two members of this gang of 28 will have no trouble at all in getting more than one twenty-eighths of the speaking time.
Neither of these men (they are, of course, men) took a major role in the election campaign. And both of them are pensioners. And this election, in which television (the news programmes as well as the television leader’s debates) have been dominated by two men striding towards the corridors of power, with all the bloom of their fortyish youth. Gordon Brown, though still six years short of his bus pass, was portrayed as yesterday’s man clinging on to power. Which of course he was. But only in part.
He danced to the young men’s tune. Under the tutoring oif Tony Blair’s spin doctors, Peter Mandelson and Alastair Campbell, he danced to the young men’s tune. He not only subjected himself to the punishing election schedhule of whistle stop tours, he learnt new tricks. Like learning to talk to ‘ordinary’ people at tea parties.
This strategy hit the buffers when he was over-heard, by the Sky Television microphone still live around his neck, saying that the working class life-long Labour supporter whom he had just talked with was a bigot. And the real Brown emerged, when he was on all the television news clips, hanging his head in shame after a radio interview in which he realised what he had done.
And against the predictions of the opinion polls and all the mainstream media, the electorate denied Cameron his majority and demolished the hopes of the other young man, striding towards the corridors of power. They rejected Gordon Brown, but they voted for him in much greater numbers than anyone expected.
In front of the nation on television, both Cameron and Clegg united in the march towards change, emphasing the characteristics they undoubtedly share. They are both nearly twenty years younger than the defeated ‘bully’ Gordon Brown.
But back to the cabinet table. The two pensioners who will carry far more weight than the average in this cabinet of 28 will not be at all shy in speaking out. Because at aged 69 and 67 they are not worrying about their next job, if this government fails. Both of them have major ministerial responsibilities, but both of them will speak out when the cabinet is locked in arguments about matters that do not concern their ministerial responsibilities. Because they are not at all worried about their next job.
They are both very happy indeed that they have been given proper jobs, in an age when in both the private sector and the public sector, have been urged to take early retirement, even at 50! They will not, God forbid, agree with each other, but both of them will have no trouble at all getting listened to in this cabinet of 2010 in which change is entrusted to 40ish youth. And in which the Chancellor the Exchequer, not the brightest of the Cameron team, is given the top economic job, making him at 38, the youngest holder of the post since this the Stone Age. (This is a journalistic exagerration!)
Both of these pensioners will speak their minds. They may often disagree with each other. But both of them, together or separately are not Posh Boys. Both were born into working class families.
This is not obvious in the case of Ken Clarke, who speaks in an accent so plumy, that any Old Etonian, would be tempted to give him a hug.
In fact his father was an electrician, who only began voting Tory when he had started on the road to entrepreneurship, by making his living as a shop keeper. His mother was a shop assistant with a near Communist Pacifiist grandfather. Young Ken was brought up with the Daily Mail on the family doormat. But he did not take their views as gospel truth. Though he was educated in state schools he won a scholorship place at Cambridge, when really began to think about politics. For a year or so he was an enthusiastic supporter of Gaitskellite Democratic Socialism.
But when he began his career in politics he hitched his star to the Ted Heath brand of Conservatism, and learnt the trade in several humble jobs. Despite his always outspoken comments, he was also pulled in to serve Margaret Thatcher, whose venom against the Argies, was nothing as compared to her venom against Ted Heath, whom she thought had betrayed the Conservative cause. Nevertheless, Clarke served her. But he did not make his mark until Thatcher was succeeded by John Major, who made him chanceller in place of the the Thatcherite, Norman Lamont, who, as Chancellor, had caused Black Wednesday, that day in 1992 when Lamont’s actions had created a massive attack on the value of the pound sterling. Some months later, Major fired Lamont and brought in Clarke to save his government and the country.
In the event he saved both. His stewardhip of the economy, not only rescued Major, but it would international acclaim. He not onlly rescued Major’s Conservative party, but he made Blair and the rise of New Labour possible. Becaue by 1997, Britain, though not a world power, was not bankrupt. It’s currency was to be trusted.
Fast forward to 2010. Clarke is most definitely not a part of Cameron’s inner circle, although he is a member of the shadow cabinet. In the election campaign he was wheeled in to orchestrate one of the main press conferences. Just at the time when the credibility of Cameron’s bosum pal, George Osborne was at it’s nadir, and Cameron was threatened by the quite un-expected surrge towards the Lib Dems.
Clarke served his chosen party well. By proclaiming what he believed. That a vote for Clegg, was tantamount to a vote for Gordon Brown. But he also disclosed in the closing moments of that event, his own reservations about one of the Cameroons, Andy Coulson, the media chief and veteran of the Murdoch press, editor of the News of the World during phone tapping scandal.
The other pensioner at the cabinet table, Vince Cable, refused to be dazzled by the prospect of acquiring power. So much so that he ruled himself out as leader of the Lib Dems, because he thought he was too old. He is now 67. Despite the fact that he had won the hearts and heads of the nation. By opposing speaking against the Iraq war, which we now all now has cost the lives of British soldiers as well as the millions of pounds which might have been spent on alleviating the plight of Britain’s poor.
And, co-incidentally, pensioner number two, Cable, is also a working class lad, who has bettered himself. Unlike Clarke, who made his living as a barrister, he has not learnt to speak with an upper middle class accent. But unlike John Prescott, Bllair’s deputy leader, he does not under pressure make an ass of himself by talking incoherently, making himself an easy target for the ever watchful right-wing press.
Quite the opposite. Although his accent is not posh, he demonstrates that in intelllectual agility he is a match for any of the posh boys. And in terms of wit he excels. When Prescott fumed he became a joke. Cable never fumed but when he got angry he turned his opponents into a joke, because of his wit.
Cable’s father was a skilled worker in a chocolate factor in York, who happened to vote Tory. His mother was a packer of chocolates in a rival York chocolate factory. He went to the local grammar school, where he did so well that he won a scholarship to Cambridge. Amazingly, because he was the first member of his family to go to any university.
At Cambridge in the 1960s he became active polically support the Liberal Party. He got thrown out because he advocated a merger with the social democratic wing of the Labour Party, a decade before the Gang of Four left Labour, formed the SDP and then went on to ally themselves with the Liberal Party.
Young Vince concentrated on student politics, so effectively that he ended up as President of the Cambridge Student Union, which then, as now, offered him a fast track into adult politics. Liberals, Conservatives and Labour would alll have considered him seriously.
But he was not ready for a political career. He took himself off to Kenya in 1966, for his first job, which was economic advisor to the Kenya government. Later he earned his bread as and advisor to the Commonwealth Secretariat. He first entered politics in 1970, by which time he had become a Labour supporter. He stood unsuccessfully for Glasgow Hillhead in 1970. But he did become a Labour councillor and later worked as special advisor to John Smith in 1978, when Smith was the Industry Secretary in the Callaghan Labour government. In 1979 he tried and failed to win the Labour nomination for Hampstead, but lost to Ken Livingstone.
1979 also ushered in the age of Thatcherism, which resulted in the Gang of Four deserting the Labour Party and founding the Social Democratic Party in 1981. Cable joined them a year later and stood as SDP candidate for York in the 1983 election. He lost. He fought two more elections which elections which he lost. It was not until 1997 that he first took his seat in the House of Commons. He was a new boy, aged 54! The New Labour prime minister, Tony Blair, was 44, and looking younger, radiating the youthful energy which was going to lead us into a brave new world. But in fact Blair was a House of Commons veteran, with 14 years experience of asking Prime Minister’s questions, before he occupied the hot seat, when he had to answer them.
But in the last two or three years Vince Cable has been regarded as the wise elder statesman by the House of Commons, and by the audience listening, watching and reading the newspapers.
Both he and Clarke will make their voices around the cabinet table . Even if he wanted to Cameron could not steam roller this cabinet, which has a wide range of views amoungst the Tories. On some argues they will be arguing against each other, quite as fiercely as against each.
One of virtues of the Posh Boys, is that they learn at their public schools, that the British aristocracy survived, while the French, the Russians and many other Europeans were getting their heads chopped off. They survived by bending to change.
In the last few days, Cameron has shown that he understands that. And it suits his personal style.
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